Becoming An American -- Full Report to Congress
of the United States Commission on Immigration Reform

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U. S. COMMISSION ON IMMIGRATION REFORM
1997 REPORT TO CONGRESS

Becoming an American: Immigration and Immigrant Policy

Contents

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Cover Art: The Statue of Liberty (Liberty Enlightening the World), a gift from France that was intended as a representation of republican ideals, has for more than a century been the preeminent symbol of immigration to the United States. The blindfolded statuse of Justice, derived from the Greek goddess Themis, represents the order of society established by law, custom and equity. These two symboles highlight the Commission's view that a credible immigration policy must uphold both our immigration tradition and our committment to the Rule of Law.

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1997 REPORT TO CONGRESS
US COMMISSION ON IMMIGRATION REFORM

Becoming an American: Immigration & Immigrant Policy
SEPTEMBER 1997

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The Commissioners and staff dedicate this final report of the bipartisan Commission on Immigration Reform to the memory of Barbara Jordan
Chair, U. S. Commission on Immigration Reform December 14, 1993 - January 17, 1996

"We are a nation of immigrants, dedicated to the rule of law. That is our history - and it is our challenge to ourselves.
...It is literally a matter of who we are as a nation and who we become as a people. E Pluribus Unum. Out of many, one. One people. The American people."
   - Barbara Jordan, August 1995

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U. S. COMMISSION ON IMMIGRATION REFORM
September 30, 1997

The Honorable Newt Gingrich, Speaker of the House of Representatives
The Honorable Richard Gephardt, Minority Leader of the House of Representatives
The Honorable Trent Lott, Majority Leader of the Senate
The Honorable Tom Daschle, Minority Leader of the Senate

On behalf of the U. S. Commission on Immigration Reform, it is my pleasure to submit our Final Report, Becoming an American: Immigration and Immigrant Policy.

As mandated by the Immigration Act of 1990 [Public Law 101-649], this bipartisan Commission has examined and made recommendations regarding the implementation and impact of U. S. immigration policy. In fulfilling our mission, the Commission has held more than forty public hearings, consultations, site visits and expert discussions throughout the United States and in certain key foreign countries.

This report underscores the need for credible, coherent immigrant and immigration policy. Admission to this nation is only the first step of a process by which an immigrant becomes an American. Through the process of Americanization, immigrants become part of our commu-nities and our communities learn from and adapt to their presence. We set out recommenda-tions for immigrant policies that enhance this process through orientation services for immi-grants and their new communities, English and civics education, and a credible, efficient natu-ralization process.

We also recommend immigration reforms. Since the Commission issued its 1994 report on illegal migration, significant progress has been made in improving border management, increas-ing criminal alien removals, reforming the asylum process, responding to mass migration emer-gencies, and pilot testing new worksite verification procedures. Illegal migration remains a problem, however, necessitating continued deterrence and removal efforts. In addition, we reiterate our call for legal immigration reform and make new recommendations regarding limited duration admissions.

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In addition, we urge Congress to reconsider the welfare reform legislation adopted in 1996 that makes legal immigrants ineligible for basic safety net programs. Requiring immigrants to be-come citizens in order to receive the protections afforded by these programs debases citizenship. Further, making citizenship rather than legal status the determinant of eligibility blurs the dis-tinction between legal immigrants, whom we welcome, and illegal aliens.

Restoring the credibility of our immigration system cannot happen unless the federal govern-ment is structured and managed effectively. While the Executive Branch has taken significant steps to address many of the weaknesses in current operations, the organization of the immi-gration system undermines reform efforts. Hence, in this report, we recommend a fundamental restructuring and streamlining of responsibilities for immigration.

Our work benefitted greatly from the effective cooperation we received from the Executive Branch and both Houses of Congress. We also thank the dozens of researchers who have contributed the results of their scholarship and the hundreds of community leaders, government officials, service providers and other experts who participated in our public hearings and con-sultations.

I particularly thank my fellow Commissioners. We have struggled with many tough issues, and we have reached consensus on nearly all of our recommendations. Without the dedication, hard work, and good humor of the members of this Commission, we could not have achieved this agreement. The work of the Commission could not have been accomplished without the support of an extraordinary staff led by Susan Martin, Executive Director and Andrew Schoenholtz, Deputy Director, assisted by the members of the Policy Research, the Public Affairs, Editorial, and Administrative Staffs. Each staff member has worked tirelessly to provide the Commission with volumes of valuable information, policy memoranda, and logistical support. The Commis-sion is also indebted to the Executive Branch for lending outstanding career persons to serve on the Commission's staff.

Sincerely,
Shirley M. Hufstedler
Chair

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U. S. COMMISSION ON IMMIGRATION REFORM

MEMBERS OF THE COMMISSION

  • SHIRLEY MOUNT HUFSTEDLER, CHAIR
    Former Judge, US Court of Appeals, 9th Circuit
    Formerly Secretary of Department of Education
    Morrison & Foerster, LLP

  • LAWRENCE H. FUCHS, VICE CHAIR
    Jafe Professor of American Civilization and Politics, Brandeis University

  • MICHAEL S. TEITELBAUM, VICE CHAIR
    Alfred P. Sloan Foundation

  • RICHARD ESTRADA
    Associate Editor, Editorial Page, Dallas Morning News

  • HAROLD EZELL
    President and Founder, Ezell Group

  • ROBERT CHARLES HILL
    Venable Baetjer Howard & Civiletti, LLP

  • WARREN R. LEIDEN
    Berry, Appleman & Leiden, LLP

  • NELSON MERCED
    Senior Associate, Community Training & Assistance Center

  • BRUCE A. MORRISON
    Chairman, Federal Housing Finance Board

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U. S. COMMISSION ON IMMIGRATION REFORM
COMMISSION STAFF

EXECUTIVE DIRECTOR SUSAN MARTIN
DEPUTY DIRECTOR ANDREW SCHOENHOLTZ
DIRECTOR OF POLICY RESEARCH B. LINDSAY LOWELL (ON DETAIL FROM DOL)

POLICY RESEARCH STAFF

    GALLI AIZENMAN, PROGRAM ANALYST 7/96 - 8/97
    JOSEPH COSTANZO, PROGRAM ANALYST 10/93 - 7/94
    ROSEMARY CURTIN, RESEARCH ASSISTANT 6/95 - 8/95
    BRETT M. ENDRES, POLICY ANALYST 12/92 - PRESENT
    DAVID R. HOWELL, SENIOR POLICY ANALYST 4/94 - 4/96
    ANNA LAW, PROGRAM ANALYST 1/ 95-8/ 96
    NANCY LEACH, RESEARCH ANALYST 11/ 95-PRESENT
    ENRICO MARCELLI, RESEARCH ASSISTANT 2/ 96-5/ 96
    RAQUEL MARQUEZ, RESEARCH ASSISTANT 7/ 97-8/ 97
    DEBORAH WALLER MEYERS, POLICY ANALYST 6/ 93-PRESENT
    BRANDON MITCHELL, POLICY ANALYST 1/ 97-PRESENT
    KIMBERLY M. O' DONNELL, POLICY ANALYST 5/ 94-8/ 97
    LAVITA STRICKLAND, LEGAL COUNSEL 9/ 94-PRESENT
    KAREN WOODROW-LAFIELD, SENIOR RESEARCH ANALYST 10/ 94-2/ 95

    DETAILEES

    DEPARTMENT OF EDUCATION
    HARPREET SANDHU, SENIOR POLICY ANALYST 9/ 95-11/ 95
    DEPARTMENT OF HEALTH & HUMAN SERVICES
    ALLAN GALL, SENIOR POLICY ANALYST 9/ 95-8/ 97
    LANI HOROWITZ, POLICY ANALYST 10/ 94-6/ 95
    DAVID NIELSEN, POLICY ANALYST 8/ 94-9/ 94
    LINDA SANCHES, POLICY ANALYST 1/ 96-8/ 96
    DEPARTMENT OF JUSTICE
    EXECUTIVE OFFICE FOR IMMIGRATION REVIEW
    PATRICIA A. DUNN, SENIOR POLICY ANALYST 12/ 96-PRESENT
    CAROLYN M. PICCOTTI, SENIOR POLICY ANALYST 9/ 95-12/ 96
    JEFFREY L. ROMIG, SENIOR POLICY ANALYST 12/ 94-8/ 95
    IMMIGRATION AND NATURALIZATION SERVICE
    GREGG A. BEYER, SENIOR POLICY ANALYST 1/ 97-PRESENT
    PATRICIA A. COLE, SENIOR POLICY ANALYST 4/ 93-6/ 95
    THEDORA HERNANDEZ, POLICY ANALYST 6/ 94-3/ 95
    MICHAEL D. HOEFER, POLICY ANALYST 12/ 93-9/ 94
    EDWARD SKERRETT, SENIOR POLICY ANALYST 11/ 95-10/ 96
    TERRY TREMPER, POLICY ANALYST 10/ 94-12/ 94

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    DEPARTMENT OF LABOR
    GAIL COLEMAN, SENIOR POLICY ANALYST 7/ 93-9/ 93
    DAVID A. LEVY, SENIOR POLICY ANALYST 11/ 94-PRESENT
    DEPARTMENT OF STATE
    MARGARET COOPERMAN, POLICY ANALYST 4/ 95-6/ 95
    JAMES L. HALMO, SENIOR POLICY ANALYST 8/ 96-3/ 97
    SUSAN JACOBS, SENIOR POLICY ANALYST 9/ 94-2/ 95
    LAURIE JOHNSTON, SENIOR POLICY ANALYST 8/ 94-1/ 95
    HARRY JONES, SENIOR POLICY ANALYST 7/ 93-7/ 94
    JOHN SPIEGEL, SENIOR POLICY ANALYST 3/ 97-PRESENT
    R. SUSAN WOOD, SENIOR POLICY ANALYST 11/ 95-4/ 96

    PUBLIC AFFAIRS & EDITORIAL STAFF

    PAUL DONNELLY, COMMUNICATIONS DIRECTOR 7/ 94-PRESENT
    ELIZABETH D. MALKS, PUBLIC AFFAIRS OFFICER 12/ 92-9/ 94
    MINNA NEWMAN NATHANSON, PUBLICATIONS DIRECTOR 8/ 94-PRESENT

    ADMINISTRATIVE STAFF

    MARK J. BOGDAN, ADMINISTRATIVE OFFICER 12/ 93-7/ 97
    ANNA COBB, ADMINISTRATIVE OFFICER 12/ 92-1/ 94
    L. ROBIN WALKER, ADMINISTRATIVE OFFICER 12/ 93-PRESENT
    LATANYA PERRY, ASSISTANT ADMINISTRATOR 9/ 95-PRESENT
    RONI AMIT, STAFF ASSISTANT 10/ 94-8/ 95
    RONALD K. SOMMERVILLE, CONSULTANT

    THE COMMISSION EXTENDS ITS GRATITUDE TO ITS INTERNS: SUSAN BILES, ANDREA CASERTA, JOANNE CLAIN, EMILY COPE, TARA CORONADO, LISA COTTER, ELAINE GAYNES, PETER HENDRICKS, SUZANNE HILDERBRAND, A. MARC JOHNSTON, DIANA JUDD, MICHELLE KLA-WILLIAMS, EDMOND LAHAI, JINHEE LEE, SARAH LOGAN, BELINDA MARTINEZ, PASCALE MICHEL, NELSON MOCK, MIKAEL NACIM, NEGIN NAZEMI, ELIZABETH OFFEN, AARTI PATEL, MARCIA PINCUS, LARRY RIMMER, ROGER SALAZAR, SARAH SWANSON, GOURI SASHITAL, MEYLYSA TSENG, YVETTE VELASCO, GUILLERMO VILLANUEVA, AND KIAL YOUNG.

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    1997 Report To Congress
    US Commission on Immigration Reform

    Contents

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      RECOMMENDATIONS

      -1 -INTRODUCTION

      Immigration and immigrant policy is about immigrants, their fami-lies and the rest of us. It is about the meaning of American nation-ality and the foundation of national unity. It is about uniting per-sons from all over the world in a common civic culture.

      The process of becoming an American is most simply called "Ameri-canization," which must always be a two-way street. All Ameri-cans, not just immigrants, should understand the importance of our shared civic culture to our national community. This final report of the U. S. Commission on Immigration Reform makes recommenda-tions to further the goals of Americanization by setting out immi-grant policies to help orient immigrants and their new communities, to improve educational programs that help immigrants and their children learn English and civics, and to reinforce the integrity of the naturalization process through which immigrants become U. S. citizens.

      This report also makes recommendations regarding immigration policy. It reiterates and updates the conclusions we reached in three interim reports— on unlawful migration, legal immigration, and refugee and asylum policy— and makes additional recommendations for reforming immigration policies. Further, in this report, the Commission recommends ways to improve the structure and man-agement of the federal agencies responsible for achieving the goals of immigration policy. It is our hope that this final report Becom-ing An American: Immigration and Immigrant Policy, along with our three interim reports, constitutes a full response to the work as-signed the Commission by Congress: to assess the national interest in immigration and report how it can best be achieved.

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      U. S. COMMISSION ON IMMIGRATION REFORM 1 9 9 7 RECOMMENDATIONS

      -2 -MANDATE

      AND METHODS Public Law 101-649, the Immigration Act of 1990 [IMMACT], estab-lished this Commission to review and evaluate the impact of immi-gration policy. More specifically, the Commission must report on immigration's impact on: the need for labor and skills; employment and other aspects of the economy; social, demographic, and envi-ronmental conditions; and the foreign policy and national security interests of the United States. The Commission engaged in a wide variety of fact-finding activities to fulfill this mandate. Site visits were conducted throughout the United States. Commission mem-bers visited immigrant and refugee communities in California, Texas, Florida, New York, Massachusetts, Illinois, Arizona, Washington, Kansas, Virginia, Washington, DC, Puerto Rico and the Common-wealth of the Northern Mariana Islands. Some Commission and staff members also visited such major source countries as Mexico, the Dominican Republic, Cuba, Haiti, and the Philippines. To in-crease our understanding of international refugee policy issues, members and staff of the Commission visited Bosnia, Croatia, Ger-many, and Kenya, and consulted with Geneva-based officials from the U. N. High Commission for Refugees and the International Or-ganization for Migration. We held more than forty public hearings, consultations with government and private sector officials, and ex-pert roundtable discussions.

      TODAY’S IMMIGRANTS The effects of immigration are numerous, complex, and varied. Im-migrants contribute in many ways to the United States: to its vi-brant and diverse communities; to its lively and participatory de-mocracy; to its vital intellectual and cultural life; to its renowned job-creating entrepreneurship and marketplaces; and to its family values and hard-work ethic. However, there are costs as well as benefits from today's immigration. Those workers most at risk in 17

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      -3 -Category

      of Admission 1992 1993 1994 1995 1996 TOTAL 810,635 880,014 798,394 716,194 909,959 SUBJECT TO THE NUMERICAL CAP 655,541 719,701 662,029 593,234 771,604 FAMILY-BASED IMMIGRANTS 502,995 539,209 497,682 460,653 595,540 Immediate Relatives of U. S. citizens 235,484 255,059 249,764 220,360 350,192 Spouses and children 170,720 192,631 193,394 171,978 283,592 Parents 64,764 62,428 56,370 48,382 66,600 Children born abroad to alien residents 2,116 2,030 1,883 1,894 1,658 Family-sponsored immigrants 213,123 226,776 211,961 238,122 293,751 Unmarried sons/ daughters of U. S. citizens 12,486 12,819 13,181 15,182 20,885 Spouses and children of LPRs 90,486 98,604 88,673 110,960 145,990 Sons and daughters of LPRs 27,761 29,704 26,327 33,575 36,559 Married sons/ daughters of U. S. citizens 22,195 23,385 22,191 20,876 25,420 Siblings of U. S. citizens 60,195 62,264 61,589 57,529 64,897 Legalization dependents 52,272 55,344 34,074 277 184

      EMPLOYMENT-BASED IMMIGRANTS 116,198 147,012 123,291 85,336 117,346 Priority workers 5,456 21,114 21,053 17,339 27,469 Professionals w/ adv. deg. or of advanced ability 58,401 29,468 14,432 10,475 18,436 Skilled, professionals, other workers, (CSPA) 47,568 87,689 76,956 50,245 62,674 Skilled, professionals, other workers 47,568 60,774 55,659 46,032 62,273 Chinese Student Protection Act (CSPA) X 26,915 21,297 4,213 401 Special immigrants 4,063 8,158 10,406 6,737 7,831 Investors 59 583 444 540 936 Professionals or highly skilled (Old 3rd) 340 X X X X Needed skilled or unskilled workers (Old 6th) 311 X X X X

      DIVERSITY PROGRAMS 36,348 33,480 41,056 47,245 58,718 Diversity permanent X X X 40,301 58,174 Diversity transition 33,911 33,468 41,056 6,994 544 Nationals of adversely affected countries 1,557 10 X X X Natives of underrepresented countries 880 2 X X X

      NOT SUBJECT TO THE NUMERICAL CAP 155,094 160,313 136,365 122,960 138,323 Amerasians 17,253 11,116 2,822 939 954 Cuban/ Haitian Entrants 99 62 47 42 29 Parolees, Soviet and Indochinese 13,661 15,772 8,253 3,120 2,283 Refugees and Asylees 117,037 127,343 121,434 114,632 128,367 Refugee adjustments 106,379 115,539 115,451 106,795 118,345 Asylee adjustments 10,658 11,804 5,983 7,837 10,022 Registered Nurses and their families 3,572 2,178 304 69 16 Registry, entered prior to 1/ 1/ 72 1,293 938 667 466 356 Other 2,179 2,904 2,838 3,692 6,318

      Note: X = Not Applicable. Excludes persons granted LPR status under the provisions of the Immigration Reform and Control Act of 1986. Source: Immigration and Naturalization Service, Statistics Division.

      Immigrant Admissions by Major Category: FYs 1992-1996 18

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      U. S. COMMISSION ON IMMIGRATION REFORM 1 9 9 7 RECOMMENDATIONS

      -4 -our

      restructuring economy— low-skilled workers in production and service jobs— are those who directly compete with today's low-skilled immigrants. Further, immigration presents special challenges to cer-tain states and local communities that disproportionately bear the fiscal and other costs of incorporating newcomers.

      Characteristics of Immigrants In FY 1996 (the last year for which data are available), more than 900,000 immigrants came to the United States from 206 nations, for a variety of reasons and with a diverse set of personal characteris-tics. Not surprisingly, the characteristics of immigrants from differ-ent sending countries vary, as do their effects on the U. S. There are also differences between immigrants admitted under different classes of admission. These differences generally reflect the statutory pro-visions that guide admissions. [See Appendix for description of IMMACT's more specific provisions and its effects.]

      Places of Origin. Places of Origin. Places of Origin. Places of Origin. Places of Origin. Asia and North America (i. e., Mexico, Canada, the Caribbean, and Central America) remain the sending regions with the largest share of immigrants. Mexico remains the largest sending country and its share of total legal immigrants to the U. S. increased from an average of 12 percent in the 1980s to more than 13 percent in FY 1994 and up to 18 percent in FY 1996. The effects of the Immigration Reform and Control Act of 1986 [IRCA], which resulted in the legalization of about two million formerly illegal Mexican residents, explains this trend. Even though the special admission category for the spouses of legalized aliens' dependents has been discontinued, Mexico benefits from the IMMACT's removal of per-country limits on the numerically limited spouse and chil-dren class of admission (FB-2A).

      IMMACT established a transitional and a permanent "diversity" category for countries whose admission numbers were adversely

      1996 Top Ten Countries of Origin of Legal Immigrants

      Mexico 159,731 Philippines 55,778 India 44,781 Vietnam 42,006 Mainland China 41,662 Dominican Republic 39,516 Cuba 26,415 Ukraine 21,051 Russia 19,646 Jamaica 19,029

      Source: INS FY 1996 Public Use Admissions Data. 19

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      -5 -affected

      by the Immigration Act of 1965. The transitional program was in effect from FY 1992 to 1994, but unused visas were carried over through FY 1996. The permanent program went into effect in FY 1995. European countries benefitted the most from the transi-tional program, which mandated that as many as 40 percent of the visas could go to nationals of Ireland. Actual Irish admissions reached only 35 percent, with Polish immigrants accounting for an even larger share (38 percent). Under the permanent diversity pro-gram, 42 percent of the immigrants came from European countries and 35 percent came from Africa. The effect on African admissions is particularly noteworthy as Africans account for less than 1 per-cent of immigrants in other admission categories.

      Origins of Diversity Immigrants versus All Other* Immigrants

      *Other includes immigrants in family, employment, and humanitarian-based categories of admission. Source: INS Public Use Admissions Data.

      PERCENT 0 20 40 60 80 100

      Transitional Diversity 1992-1996 Permanent Diversity 1995-1996

      All Other* Legal Immigrants 1992-1996

      S. America N. America Oceania Africa Asia Europe 20

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      -6 -Intended

      U. S. Destinations. Intended U. S. Destinations. Intended U. S. Destinations. Intended U. S. Destinations. Intended U. S. Destinations. Immigrants in FY 1996 continue to select just a few states as their destinations. About two-thirds in-tend to reside in California, New York, Texas, Florida, and New Jersey. One-quarter of admissions are to California alone with an-other one-seventh to New York. New York City retains its place as the pre-eminent immigrant city with 15 percent of immigrants in-tending to go there. About 7 percent of immigrants intend to go to Los Angeles, and Miami and Chicago are in third place with about 4.5 percent each of the total. There has been little change in these leading destinations since IMMACT. However, some new destina-tions have emerged in recent years. For example, during the past decade, such midwestern and southern states as Mississippi, Ne-braska, Kansas, Georgia and North Carolina saw more than a dou-bling of the number of immigrants intending to reside there. Al-though the numbers are significantly smaller than the more tradi-tional destinations, absorbing more new immigrants can be a chal-lenge for these newer destinations that often do not have the immi-gration- related infrastructure of the traditional receiving communi-ties.

      Age. Age. Age. Age. Age. Immigrants in FY 1996 remain young, with the largest propor-tion being in their later teens or twenties. A little more than one-fifth are children 15 years of age or younger, and another one-fifth are 45 years or older. More than one-half of family-based immi-grants are younger than 30 years of age, reflecting the predominance of spouses and children. Because of beneficiaries, employment-based immigrants have just as many minor dependents age 15 years and younger as other groups, but more than two-fifths of these employment-based immigrants themselves are 30-44 years, the ex-perienced and highly productive working ages. Diversity immi-grants have a similar, yet somewhat younger, age distribution than other classes of admission. In contrast, and in large part due to those admitted as refugees from the former Soviet Union, humani-tarian admissions tend to be somewhat older than other immigrants.

      1996: Top Ten Intended States of Residence of Legal Immigrants

      California 199,221 New York 153,731 Texas 82,229 Florida 79,067 New Jersey 63,162 Illinois 42,154 Massachusetts 23,017 Virginia 21,329 Maryland 20,683 Washington 18,718

      Source: INS FY 1996 Public Use Admissions Data.

      Top Ten Intended Metro Areas of Residence of Legal Immigrants

      New York 133,168 Los Angeles 64,285 Miami 41,527 Chicago 39,989 Washington DC 34,327 Houston 21,387 Boston 18,726 San Diego 18,226 San Francisco 18,171 Newark 17,939

      Source: http:/ www. ins. usdoj. gov/ stats/ annual/ fy96/ 997. html 21

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      -7 -Gender

      Gender Gender Gender Gender. .. .. Females were 54 percent of admissions in FY 1996. There had been an essentially even balance of men and women during the decade of the 1980s. The increased share of females in the 1990s parallels the historical tendency toward more female immigrants throughout much of the post-World War II period. It also reflects the admission of the spouses of legalized aliens who were predomi-nantly male. In FY 1996, family-based admissions were predomi-nantly female (57 percent) and employment-based admissions (in-cluding beneficiaries) were evenly balanced by gender. Diversity (45 percent female) and humanitarian (48 percent female) admis-sions, in contrast, had more male immigrants. That a slight majority of FY 1996 humanitarian admissions were male is somewhat sur-prising given that worldwide refugee populations are dispropor-tionately female.

      English ability English ability English ability English ability English ability. The Immigration and Naturalization Service [INS] admissions data do not include information on English language ability (or education, as discussed below). The following analysis draws instead on preliminary data from the New Immigrant Survey [NIS], 1 which studied a sample of immigrants admitted in FY 1996. The NIS is a pilot study designed to test the feasibility of a longi-

      Age Groups of 1996 Legal Immigrants (Principals and Derivative Beneficiaries)

      GROUP ALL FAMILY EMPLOYMENT DIVERSITY HUMANITARIAN 15 yrs. & younger 22% 23% 20% 22% 20% 16 through 29 yrs. 31% 34% 23% 33% 27% 30 through 44 yrs. 27% 23% 44% 34% 24% 45 through 60 yrs. 15% 14% 12% 10% 21% 65 years & older 5% 5% 0% 1% 8%

      Source: INS FY 1996 Public Use Admissions Data.

      1 Jasso, G.; Massey, D. S.; Rosenzweig,  M. R.; Smith, J. P. 1997. The New Immigrant Survey [NIS] Pilot Study: Preliminary Results. Paper presented at the Joint Meeting of the Public Health Conference on Records and

      Statistics and the Data Users Conference, Washington, DC. (July.)

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      -7 - 22

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      -8 -0

      10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 Not very well, not well at all Very well, fairly well

      Humanitarian Diversity Employment Family

      English Language Proficiency among New Adult Immigrants (18 years and older): 1996

      Source: Jasso, G.; et al. 1997. New Immigrant Survey Pilot Study.

      tudinal immigrant survey. Although the data are not yet published, analysis indicates that it offers promise of providing certain infor-mation about immigrants that has not previously been available.

      The NIS, using the same measure as the U. S. Census, reports on the English language proficiency of adult legal immigrants who are 18 years and older. The initial results show that employment-based immigrants report the greatest English ability— 70 percent of em-ployment- based admissions report speaking at least fairly well and less than 10 percent speak very little or no English (the remainder report an "average" speaking ability). About 37 percent of family-based admissions report speaking English at least fairly well and an almost equal proportion report speaking little or no English. The diversity immigrants tend to report even less English ability, despite the requirement that they have at least a high school education. The humanitarian admissions trail the furthest behind in reported En-glish language ability. Only 16 percent report speaking English at least fairly well, while more than 50 percent report speaking little or no English.

      PERCENT 23

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      -9 -Education.

      Education. Education. Education. Education. The years of schooling completed by immigrants is perhaps one of the most critical measures of skill level. The NIS provides our first indicators of years of education of adult legal immigrants at the time of their admission. As found in studies of foreign-born residents, the immigrants surveyed by the NIS tend to cluster at the higher or lower ends of the educational spectrum and differ significantly in their educational attainment by class of admis-sion. Fully 46 percent of employment-based admissions have com-pleted four years of college or a graduate degree. This figure in-cludes principals and beneficiaries, making it likely that well-edu-cated employment-based immigrants tend to have well-educated spouses. In contrast, just 17 percent of family-based immigrants 25 years and older have completed a college-level education while 42 percent have less than a high school education.

      Diversity immigrants are required to have a high school education or two years of skilled work experience. The NIS data show that diversity immigrants tend to be better educated than family-based,

      Educational Attainment of Legal Immigrants (25 years and older): 1996

      Source: Jasso, G.; et al. 1997. New Immigrant Survey Pilot Study. 0 10 20 30 40 50 College or above Less than high school

      Humanitarian Diversity Employment Family

      PERCENT 24

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      -10 -2

      The U. S. Current Population Survey [CPS] permits us to compare directly to the native-born, but the foreign-born data do not distinguish by admission status. The CPS data also include illegal aliens who have extremely low levels of education in the foreign-born category. See: Fix, M.; Passel, J. S. 1994. Immigration and Immigrants: Setting the Record Straight. Washington, DC: The Urban Institute. These figures for the diversity class of admission correspond to data on education collected by the U. S. Department of State for diversity immigrants only.

      but not as well educated as employment-based immigrants. About 14 percent have not completed high school. They may be either principals who meet the work but not the education requirement or the spouses of the principals. Twenty-two percent of diversity immi-grants have completed college or done graduate-level education, about the same proportion as among U. S. natives. 2

      The humanitarian classes of admission are less well educated than the employment-based, but are better educated than family admis-sions. The large number of relatively well-educated persons admit-ted as refugees from the Soviet Union may partly explain this find-ing. About 21 percent have less than a high school education, while about 19 percent have college or higher degrees.

      Occupation. Occupation. Occupation. Occupation. Occupation. Ultimately, the English and educational skills that im-migrants have are reflected in their occupations. The INS admis-sions data, which we use here, have only crude occupational clas-sifications. It imperfectly captures the difference between immi-grants who adjust into legal permanent resident [LPR] status after working in a U. S. job for several years and those who report an occupation upon admission that tells us more about what the immi-grant did at home than what they will do here.

      Sixty-five percent of all immigrants in FY 1996 reported no occupa-tion or being a "homemaker," reflecting the fact that children, par-ents, and spouses are a large share of all admissions and most do not work at the time of entry. 25

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      -11 -Major

      Occupational Category by Admission Class: 1996

      Source: INS Public Use Admissions Data. Nevertheless, occupational status faithfully reflects the legal require-ments of the admission class— the proportion of all immigrants not reporting an occupation is greater among family and humanitarian admissions, about 70 percent of all immigrants in each category. By way of comparison, only about one-half of all employment and diversity admissions have no reported occupation. 3 The skills which immigrants bring to the United States are reflected in their type of occupations. Family and humanitarian immigrants are primarily blue-collar workers. In contrast, employment-based and permanent diversity immigrants are predominantly white-collar workers. These broad differences between the major classes of admission have changed only slightly over the past three decades.

      IMMACT has had an effect on occupational distribution within these broad categories. To gauge its effects, a research paper prepared for

      3 The initial results from the NIS pilot show that about 40 percent of adult nonexempt family immigrants are not employed. Alternatively, more than 95 percent of employment-based principals are employed. The INS

      admission figures for "no occupation" include children and persons who are unemployed, retired, or for whom no information is given.

      0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 No Occupation Service

      Blue Collar White Collar

      Humanitarian Diversity Employment Family PERCENT 26

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      Commission calculated simple linear projections for all of the admission categories now subject to the worldwide ceiling on ad-missions. Data from FY 1972-1991 were analyzed and the trends identified, then projected forward to FY 1996. This analysis, there-fore, paints a "what-if" picture of what today's immigration might have looked like if past trends had continued unaffected by IMMACT [see table above].

      The actual total number of admissions under the worldwide ceiling in FY 1996 was 720,314 which— compared to the projected figure of

      FY 1996 Regular Admissions by Occupation: Predicted and Actual

      OCCUPATION PREDICTED ACTUAL EXCESS OF (WITHOUT IMMACT) (WITH IMMACT) ACTUAL OVER PREDICTED

      WHITE-COLLAR WORKERS Professional, Technical, and Kindred Health Professionals 10,244 18.986 85% Other Professionals 9,231 19,477 111% Technical & Specialty 22,115 33,117 50% Executives 20,283 30,702 51% Sales 12,943 13,002 0% Administrative Support 19,437 19,807 2%

      BLUE-COLLAR WORKERS Precision Production 21,028 20,116 -4% Operators, Fabricators, & Laborers 37,702 53,936 43% FARMING, FORESTRY, AND FISHING 12,251 12,588 3% SERVICE 48,180 51,797 8% TOTAL WITH OCCUPATION 165,234 221,731 34% TOTAL WITHOUT OCCUPATION 261,694 498,583 91% GRAND TOTAL 426,928 730,314 69%

      Note: Predicted numbers in FY 1996 are based on linear projections (from the years between 1972 and 1991), and are kept within numerical limits on nonexempt

      categories. Humanitarian admissions are not included. Source: Greenwood, M.; Ziel, F. A. 1997. The Impact of the Immigration Act of 1990 on U. S. Immigration. Washington, DC: U. S. Commission on Immigration Reform. 27

      27 Page 28 29

      -13 -426,929—

      was 69 percent greater than would have been expected without IMMACT. Admissions were greater than the projected fig-ure because IMMACT increased numerically-limited family, employ-ment, and diversity admissions. The numerically-exempt admis-sions for the immediate relatives of U. S. citizens would have grown between 1992 and 1996 even without IMMACT. This analysis does not include humanitarian admissions.

      Of immigrants who reported an occupation, the actual admissions in FY 1996 were 221,731 which— compared to the projected figure of 165,234— was 34 percent greater than would have been expected if IMMACT had not gone into effect. By contrast, nonworking immi-grants experienced a 91 percent increase of actual over projected. This finding is not surprising as FY 1996 family admissions were significantly higher than would have been permissible under previ-ous law. In part this was because IMMACT permitted unused FY 1995 employment-based numbers to be transferred to the FY 1996 family categories. In combination with a growth in immediate rela-tives (including those who would normally have been admitted in FY 1995 but were caught in processing delays), the additional visas meant more spouses and minor children entered. These immigrants are the least likely to be employed.

      As might be anticipated, IMMACT's new emphasis on admitting highly-educated and skilled persons led to growth in professional occupations among those who reported an occupation. As stated above, there was an overall 34 percent increase in persons reporting an occupation. This increase was not evenly distributed, however. The number of health professionals, for example, was projected to be 10,244, but at 18,985 was 85 percent greater. The number of executives also shows a higher than expected increase. Interest-ingly, projections not shown here indicate that within the employ-ment- based category, family members (beneficiaries) of the princi-pals show the greatest growth in professional occupations. This suggests that when principals with more skills are admitted, they 28

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      with them spouses who are, likewise, more skilled than in the past. Further, projections not shown here indicate that the skill requirement for permanent diversity immigrants makes for more highly-skilled admissions from eligible countries. In short, IMMACT increased both the numbers of more skilled admissions and their share of immigrants admitted.

      Most nonprofessional white-collar and blue-collar occupations show very little or no growth over what might have occurred without IMMACT. The one notable exception is a greater-than-expected increase in the number of "Operators, Fabricators, and Laborers." There were 53,936 admissions in these occupations compared to the 37,702 that were projected. As the employment-based access for persons with these occupations is highly limited, it appears that much of this increase is attributable to family-based admissions. It is unclear from the data, however, why this pattern has emerged.

      Earnings. Earnings. Earnings. Earnings. Earnings. According to the NIS survey, the median earnings of all male immigrants admitted in 1996 was $15,600 and for women was $11,960, lower than the median earnings for natives. Compared to the earnings in their last country of residence, male immigrants experienced a 59 percent increase and women a 45 increase in earn-ings upon admission to the United States. Differences in earnings are, as should be expected, substantial by admission class. Many employment-based immigrants earn a median income of $36,400 on the date of their admission to LPR status, while the sibling or spouse of an LPR earns $11,750 and the spouse of a citizen earns $18,200.

      4 National Research Council. (Smith, J. P.; Edmonston, B. eds.). 1997. The New Americans: Economic, Demographic, and Fiscal Effects of Immigration. Washington, DC: National Academy Press. 29

      29 Page 30 31

      -15 -Effects

      on the Economy An independent evaluation of immigration by a panel of eminent social scientists at the National Research Council [NRC], sponsored by the Commission, 4 found that immigration has a positive eco-nomic impact on the national level. However, the NRC panel's findings confirm the by now commonplace conclusion that there are tangible costs to certain sectors of the labor market and certain communities. This reinforces the Commission's conclusions on the need for a well-regulated system of immigrant admissions, as well as the need for attention to means of improving integration and reducing friction between newcomers and established residents.

      The NRC panel estimates that immigrants may add $1-10 billion directly to the national economy each year, a small but positive amount in a $7.6 trillion economy. Many consumers, business owners, and investors benefit from the immigrant labor force. Re-cent newcomers may be willing to work for lower wages than other U. S. workers, although, with the exception of many immigrants with less than a high school education, most immigrants tend to earn as much as natives after a decade. Many others in the economy benefit, particularly those who do work that is complementary to that performed by immigrants. Immigrants provide the labor that has kept viable entire segments of certain labor-intensive industries, such as garment and shoemaking. Many immigrant entrepreneurs expand trade with foreign countries from which they come, and the language and cultural expertise of many immigrant employees are valuable to U. S. companies doing business abroad.

      Immigrants also contribute to the economic revitalization of the com-munities in which they live. As middle-class natives have left the

      5 Muller, T. 1993. Immigrants and the American City. New York: New York University Press. Winnick, L. 1990. New People in Old Neighborhoods: The Role of New Immigrants in Rejuvenating New York's Communities. New

      York: Russell Sage Foundation. 30

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      cities, immigrant newcomers have settled, established busi-nesses, bought homes, and otherwise invested in these areas. Gate-way cities, such as New York and Los Angeles, have benefitted particularly from this urban renewal. At the same time, these cities face new challenges related to immigration. Growing immigrant communities require local school systems (some of which may have otherwise faced declining enrollments) to provide sufficient class-room space and teachers. They must also develop programs to teach children who are without English skills or prior education. Overcrowded housing, drug trafficking, gang violence, sweatshops, and public health problems also may be found in many of these inner-city communities. 5

      Immigration particularly affects certain U. S. workers. The NRC panel finds that workers with less than twelve years of education are the most adversely affected by low-skilled immigrant workers. Immigrants may have reduced substantially the wages of high school dropouts, who are about one-tenth of the workforce, by 5 percent nationwide. This is a sizable impact on a group that was already poorly paid before the loss in real earnings it experienced over the past two decades. Most often it is the foreign-born worker, particu-larly in labor markets with large numbers of immigrants who expe-rience the greatest competition. 6 While the education and skill level of most U. S. workers differs significantly from those of most immi-grants (and therefore they are not competing for the same jobs), the new arrivals are often direct substitutes for immigrants who arrived a short time before them. 7

      6 Greenwood, M.; Tienda, M. 1997. U. S. Impacts of Mexican Immigration. Team Report to Mexico/ United States Binational Study on Migration. Greenwood, J.; Hunt, G. L. 1995. Economic Effects of Immigrants on

      Native and Foreign-Born Workers: Complementarity, Sustitutability, and Other Channels of Influence. Southern Economic Journal. 61: 4 1096. 7 Waldinger, R. 1996. Still the Promised City? African Americans and New Immigrants in Postindustrial New York. Cambridge: Harvard University Press. Waldinger, R.; Bozorgmehr, M. 1996. Ethnic Los Angeles. New York: Russell Sage Foundation. 31

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      evidence on the impact of immigration on native-born minori-ties nationwide is less clear. The NRC concluded that in the aggre-gate, the economic opportunities of African Americans are not re-duced by immigration because African Americans and immigrants tend to be in different labor markets and reside in different cities. Other research finds small, adverse effects on African Americans. 8 These effects are found most strongly when low-skilled minority workers compete with low-skilled immigrant workers in the same industries and the same geographic areas.

      The fiscal effects of immigration also are complicated. Generally, the impacts on the federal government are favorable compared to those on state and local governments. Most studies show that at the federal level, the foreign-born pay more in taxes than they receive in services. When spread across all taxpayers, this characteristic represents a very small, but positive, benefit. At the local level, however, immigrants often represent a net fiscal cost, in some cases a substantial one. Research on the resident illegal alien population finds the clearest examples of fiscal costs to states and localities. 9 In general, much of the negative effect is related to school costs that are considerable because of the larger size of many immigrant fami-lies. Although funds spent on education may be considered an investment, not just a fiscal burden, the payoff is not realized for many years.

      8 Hamermesh, D. S.; Bean, F. D. (eds.) 1998 forthcoming. Help or Hinderance? Immigration and Its Economic Implications for African Americans. New York: Russell Sage Foundation. 9 Taylor, E.; Martin, P.; Fix, M. 1997. Poverty Amidst Prosperity: Immigration

      and the Changing Face of Rural California. Washington, DC: The Urban Institute Press. U. S. General Accounting Office. 1995. Illegal Aliens: National Cost Estimates Vary Widely. Washington, DC. 6. Clark, R.; Passel,

      J. S.; Zimmermann, W. N.; Fix, M. E. 1994. Fiscal Impacts of Undocumented Aliens: Selected Estimates for Seven States. Washington, DC: The Urban Institute Press. 32

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      affects fiscal impacts in a second way. Ultimately, the economic success and fiscal contributions of immigrants are deter-mined by their educational level. The NRC panel found that immi-grants who complete high school and beyond generally represent a more favorable balance of fiscal costs and contributions than do those with little or no education. Even over their lifetimes, immi-grants without education are unlikely to contribute sufficient tax revenues to offset their use of services. Both groups of immigrants tend to use public services in a similar fashion, particularly as re-lated to the schooling of their children, but the more educated im-migrants tend to earn more and pay higher taxes.

      Educational differences also explain why certain states and localities are more adversely affected by immigration than are others. Cali-fornia immigrants represent a sizeable tax burden (estimated at al-most $1,200 per native-headed family per year) while New Jersey immigrants represent a more modest tax burden (estimated to be $232 per native-headed family per year). The difference can be explained largely by the differences in the average educational level of the immigrants residing in these states. 10

      English language ability also affects the economic success and fiscal impacts of immigrants. In the 1990 Census, 47 percent of the for-eign- born more than 5 years of age reported not speaking English "very well." Individuals with poor English language skills tend to be confined to the lowest levels of the U. S. job market. By contrast, ability in spoken English markedly improves immigrants' earnings, especially for Hispanic and Asian adult immigrants. 11 English read-10

      See: Espenshade, T. 1997. Keys to Successful Immigration: Implications of the New Jersey Experience. Washington, DC: The Urban Institute Press. 11 Chiswick, B. R. (ed.). 1992. Immigration, Language, and Ethnicity. Washington, DC: The AEI Press. 229-96. 12 Rivera-Batiz, F. L. 1992. English Language Proficiency and the Earnings

      of Young Immigrants in the U. S. Labor Market. Policy Studies Review 11: 165-75. 33

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      comprehension also has been found to improve the earnings of young immigrant adults. 12

      Population Growth and Natural Resources

      In recent years there have been about 800,000 legal admissions and an additional estimated 200,000 to 300,000 unauthorized entries, but the net annual increase of the foreign-born population is about 700,000 each year due to return migration and mortality. 13 In 1996, the for-eign- born population was 24.6 million, 9.3 percent of the U. S. popu-lation. Recent arrivals make up a large share of the resident foreign-born population; about 28 percent arrived after 1990, and an addi-tional 35 percent during the 1980s.

      It is estimated that international migration makes up somewhere between one-quarter and one-third of net annual population increase. Given current demographic trends and noting that much can hap-pen to alter long-range forecasts, the U. S. Census Bureau projects the population to increase by 50 percent between 1995 and 2050. Immigration is likely to become a larger proportion of the net in-crease. 14

      The NRC report also presented estimates of population growth. It found that without immigration since 1950, the U. S. population would have been 14 percent smaller than its 1995 size of 263 million. The NRC projected the population to the year 2050 after making certain assumptions about mortality, fertility, and rates of group inter-mar-13

      National Research Council. 1997. The New Americans: Economic, Demographic and Fiscal Effects on Immigration. Washington, DC: National Academy Press. 14 U. S. Bureau of the Census. 1996. Current Population Reports. (Feb.). Edmonston, B.; Passel, J. S. (eds.). 1994. Immigration and Ethnicity: The Integration of American's Newest Arrivals. Washington, DC: The Urban Institute Press. 34

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      According to the projection based on these assumptions, the U. S. population would increase by 124 million persons to 387 mil-lion, with immigration responsible for two-thirds (82 million) of the increase. Of this 82 million, 45 million are immigrants and an ad-ditional 37 million increase is due to their higher assumed fertility.

      Immigration affects the age structure as well as the overall popula-tion. The NRC panel projected that under current immigration policy, kindergarten through grade eight school enrollment in 2050 would be 17 percent higher than it was in 1995. High school enroll-ment would rise from 14.0 million in 1995 to 20.3 million in 2050. Immigration also has small effects on the proportion of the popula-tion that is elderly. No matter which immigration policies are adopted, according to the NRC, the number of persons aged 65 years and older will double between 1995 and 2050. However, the proportion of older people in the total population will be somewhat smaller with immigration.

      The NRC panel's projection of the ethnic distribution of the U. S. population in 2050 shows the Hispanic population increasing from 10 to 25 percent and the Asian population from 3 to 8 percent of the population. These projections are dependent on today's rates of group intermarriage and how persons report their ethnicity. It may be that, like children of immigrants who arrived in the last century, descendents of today's immigrants will choose to report their ethnicity as being different from that of their parents, and that today's ethnic categories will not accurately describe tomorrow's popula-tions.

      What broader implications do these growth figures have? Some analysts argue that high immigration levels mean an abundant sup-ply of youthful workers who will be a substantial spur to the economy. From this perspective, population growth is an engine for technological progress and the means to solve environmental prob-lems, effectively spawning change out of necessity. Proponents of 35

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      view argue that human resourcefulness has dealt with popula-tion growth in the past and the solutions often have left us better off. Adding more people may "cause us more problems, but at the same time there will be more people to solve these problems." 15

      Others are concerned about the negative consequences of popula-tion growth, particularly on the environment, infrastructure, and services. 16 They see population growth as imposing pressures on our natural resources and quality of life, raising special concerns in the arid regions of the southwest or sites of industries relocating to the south central states. 17 Those concerned argue that our future well-being depends upon both conservation, and stabilizing population growth. 18

      This debate primarily concerns total U. S. population growth, which is strongly influenced by immigration. Still, there is little or no information about whether immigrants have differential impacts dis-tinct from the population increase they produce on the U. S. environ-ment. 19

      The Commission did find that rapid inflows of immigrants can pose difficulties for those who must plan for community growth. Schools sometimes receive large numbers of new immigrant students that had not been planned for. Housing and infrastructure development

      15 Simon, J. 1994. More People, Greater Wealth, More Resources, Healthier Environment. Economic Affairs (April) 22-29. 16 Beck, R. 1994. Re-Charting America's Future: Responses to Arguments

      Against Stabilizing U. S. Population and Limiting Immigration. Petoskey, MI: The Social Contract Press. 17 U. S. Commission on Immigration Reform. 1995. Mesa, Arizona U. S.

      Commission on Immigration Reform roundtable. U. S. Commission on Immigration Reform 1997. Site visit to Garden City, Kansas. 18 Abernethy, V. 1994. Population Politics. New York: Insight Press. 19 Kraly, E. P. 1995. U. S. Immigration and the Environment: Scientific Research

      and Analytic Issues. Washington, DC: U. S. Commission on Immigration Reform. 36

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      not be adequate in affected urban and rural communities. 20 New immigrant destinations, sometimes to areas that have not had new immigrants for a century or more, can put particular stress on communities that have experienced rapid growth in the past de-cade.

      Foreign Policy and National Security Interests

      Immigration matters frequently are intertwined with foreign policy and national security. Today, migration and refugee issues are mat-ters of high international politics engaging the heads of state in-volved in defense, internal security, and external relations. 21 Inter-national migration intersects with foreign policy in two principal ways. The U. N. Security Council has acknowledged that migration can pose threats to international peace and security through eco-nomic or social instability or humanitarian disasters. Migration can also build positive relations with other countries and thereby pro-mote national security. As a consequence, migration itself requires bilateral and international attention to help address the causes and consequences of movements of people.

      During the Cold War, a foreign policy priority was the destabilizing of Communist regimes. Refugee policy was often a tool to achieve that strategic goal, for instance, by encouraging the flow of migrants from Eastern Europe or Cuba. Elsewhere, political, economic, and military involvement in Southeast Asia and the Dominican Republic had significant migration consequences, as large numbers of South-east Asians and Dominicans ended up as refugees and immigrants

      20 Taylor, E.; Martin, P.; Fix, M. 1997. Poverty Amidst Prosperity: Immigration and the Changing Face of Rural California. Washington, DC: The Urban Institute Press. 21 Weiner, M. 1992. Security, Stability, and International Migration.

      International Security 17: 3 (Winter) 91-126. 37

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      the U. S. These foreign policy priorities generally have had sig-nificant immigration consequences years later.

      Alternatively, immigration concerns sometimes have played a sig-nificant role in U. S. foreign policy, especially when mass move-ments to the U. S. are feared. A stated rationale for U. S. Central-American policy in the 1980s was to prevent a mass movement that would occur if anti-American Marxist dictatorships were established in Central America. One of the explicit reasons for the military intervention in Haiti in 1994 was to restrain the flow of migrants onto U. S. shores. And, although the U. S. does not officially main-tain relations with Cuba, migration concerns gained priority over diplomatic ones leading to negotiations on the Cuban Migration Agreement and to a reversal of policy regarding the interdiction of Cuban migrants.

      Some observers believe that environmental causes now rival eco-nomic and political instability as a major source of forced migration throughout the world. There are estimates that as many as one-hundred million people may be displaced, in part, because of deg-radation of land and natural resources. "That will increase the pressure to migrate to places like the United States." 22 The perva-sive deterioration of Mexico's rural drylands may contribute to between 700,000 and 900,000 people a year leaving rural areas. 23 Environmental degradation in Mexico, Haiti, and Central America also are believed to have migration consequences for the U. S. Often environmental problems intersect with other causes. One researcher argues that migrants from Haiti may be considered "environmental refugees" because the root causes of their migrations are land deg-22

      Schwartz, M. L.; Notini, J. 1994. Desertification and Migration: Mexico and the United States. Washington, DC: U. S. Commission on Immigration Reform. 23 National Heritage Institute. 1997. Environmental Degradation and Migration: The U. S./ Mexico Case Study. Report prepared for the U. S. Commission on Immigration Reform. 38

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      and the Haitian government's unwillingness to act in the interest of the general population." 24

      Stabilizing economic growth and democracy may be an effective means of reducing migration pressures. The Commission for the Study of International Migration and Cooperative Economic Devel-opment 25 concluded that, over the long run of a generation or more, trade and investment are likely to reduce migration pressures. Sup-porters of the North American Free Trade Agreement [NAFTA] argued that NAFTA-related development eventually will reduce unauthorized Mexican migration. The U. S. has provided the rein-stalled democratically-elected government of Haiti with a great deal of rehabilitation assistance that should aid the stability of that coun-try.

      CONCLUSION Properly-regulated immigration and immigrant policy serves the national interest by ensuring the entry of those who will contribute most to our society and helping lawful newcomers adjust to life in the United States. It must give due consideration to shifting eco-nomic realities. A well-regulated system sets priorities for admis-sion; facilitates nuclear family reunification; gives employers access to a global labor market while protecting U. S. workers; helps to generate jobs and economic growth; and fulfills our commitment to resettle refugees as one of several elements of humanitarian protec-tion of the persecuted.

      24 Catanese, A. 1990/ 91. Haiti's Refugees: Political, Economic, Environmental. (Paper 17). San Francisco: Natural Heritage Institute; Indianapolis: Universities Field Staff International.

      25 The Commission for the Study of International Migration and Cooperative Economic Development. 1990. Unauthorized Migration: An Economic Development Response. Washington, DC. 39

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      -25 -AMERICANIZATION

      AND INTEGRATION OF IMMIGRANTS

      A DECLARATION OF PRINCIPLES AND VALUES

      Immigration to the United States has created one of the world's most successful multiethnic nations. We believe these truths consti-tute the distinctive characteristics of American nationality:

      n American unity depends upon a widely-held belief in the principles and values embodied in the American Constitu-tion and their fulfillment in practice: equal protection and justice under the law; freedom of speech and religion; and representative government;

      n Lawfully-admitted newcomers of any ancestral nationality— without regard to race, ethnicity, or religion— truly become Americans when they give allegiance to these principles and values;

      n Ethnic and religious diversity based on personal freedom is compatible with national unity; and

      n The nation is strengthened when those who live in it com-municate effectively with each other in English, even as many persons retain or acquire the ability to communicate in other languages.

      As long as we live by these principles and help newcomers to learn and practice them, we will continue to be a nation that benefits from substantial but well-regulated immigration. We must pay attention 40

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      our core values, as we have tried to do in our recommendations throughout this report. Then, we will continue to realize the lofty goal of E Pluribus Unum. 1

      AMERICANIZATION The Commission r The Commission r The Commission r The Commission r The Commission reiterates its call for the Americanization of new eiterates its call for the Americanization of new eiterates its call for the Americanization of new eiterates its call for the Americanization of new eiterates its call for the Americanization of new immigrants, that is the cultivation of a shar immigrants, that is the cultivation of a shar immigrants, that is the cultivation of a shar immigrants, that is the cultivation of a shar immigrants, that is the cultivation of a shared commitment to the ed commitment to the ed commitment to the ed commitment to the ed commitment to the American values of liberty American values of liberty American values of liberty American values of liberty American values of liberty, democracy and equal opportunity , democracy and equal opportunity , democracy and equal opportunity , democracy and equal opportunity , democracy and equal opportunity. .. .. The U. S. has fought for the principles of individual rights and equal protection under the law, notions that now apply to all our resi-dents. We have long recognized that immigrants are entitled to the full protection of our Constitution and laws. The U. S. also has the sovereign right to impose appropriate obligations on immigrants.

      In our 1995 report to Congress, the Commission called for a new commitment to Americanization. In a public speech that same year, Barbara Jordan, our late chair, noted: "That word earned a bad reputation when it was stolen by racists and xenophobes in the 1920s. But it is our word, and we are taking it back." American-ization is the process of integration by which immigrants become part of our communities and by which our communities and the nation learn from and adapt to their presence.

      This process enhances our unity by focusing on what is important, through acknowledging that the many real differences among us as individuals do not alter our essential character as a nation.

      1 Our national motto, E Pluribus Unum, "from many, one," was originally conceived to denote the union of the thirteen states into one nation. Throughout our history, E Pluribus Unum also has come to mean the

      vital unity of our national community founded on individual freedom and the diversity that flows from it.

      The Commission The Commission The Commission The Commission The Commission r rr rreiterates eiterates eiterates eiterates eiterates its call its call its call its call its call for the for the for the for the for the Americanization Americanization Americanization Americanization Americanization of new of new of new of new of new immigrants. immigrants. immigrants. immigrants. immigrants. 41

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      Americanization process depends on a set of expectations that the United States, which chooses to invite legal immigrants, legiti-mately has of newcomers. It applies equally to the expectations immigrants legitimately have of their new home.

      The Commission proposes that the principles of Americanization be made more explicit through the covenant between immigrant and citizens. These principles are not mere abstractions. They can form a covenant between ourselves and immigrant newcomers. As Presi-dent Johnson eloquently stated in 1965:

      They came here— the exile and the stranger. . . . They made a covenant with this land. Conceived in justice, written in liberty, bound in union, it was meant one day to inspire the hopes of all mankind; and it binds us still. If we keep its terms, we shall flourish.

      We have not always abided by its terms, but the ideal of a covenant between immigrant and nation still captures the essence of Ameri-canization. Immigrants become part of us, and we grow and be-come the stronger for having embraced them. In this spirit, the Commission sees the covenant between immigrants and ourselves as:

      V VV VVoluntary oluntary oluntary oluntary oluntary. Immigration to the United States— a benefit to both citizens and immigrants— is not an entitlement and Americanization cannot be forced. We as a nation choose to admit immigrants because we find lawful immigration serves our interests in many ways. Likewise, no one requires immigrants to come here or to become citizens; they choose to come and, if they naturalize, they choose to become a part of our polity. 42

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      and reciprocal Mutual and reciprocal Mutual and reciprocal Mutual and reciprocal Mutual and reciprocal. Immigration presents mutual obligations. Immigrants must accept the obligations we impose— to obey our laws, to pay taxes, to respect other cultures and ethnic groups. At the same time, citizens incur obligations to provide an environment in which newcomers can become fully participating members of our society. We must not exclude them from our community nor bar them from the polity after admission. This obligation to immigrants by no means excuses us from our obligations to our own disadvantaged populations. To the extent that immigration poses undue burdens on our communities, our citizenry, or immigrants themselves, we have an obligation to recognize and address them.

      Thus the United States assumes an obligation to those it admits, as immigrants assume an obligation to this country they chose. Having affirmatively admitted the newcomer, the federal government necessarily extends civic and societal rights. Unfortunately recent legislative changes effectively have excluded immigrants from the public safety net until such time as they become naturalized citizens. This Commission previously recommended against such action. We believe it is likely that these changes will lead to greater problems both for immigrants and for the communities in which they live. Legislation that leads immigrants to seek citizenship to protect eligibility for social benefits, rather than out of commitment to our polity, provides the wrong incentive. The effect is not to exalt citizenship, but to diminish it.

      Individual, not collective Individual, not collective Individual, not collective Individual, not collective Individual, not collective. The United States is a nation founded on the proposition that each individual is born with certain rights and that the purpose of government is to secure these rights. The United States admits immigrants as individuals (or individual members of families). As long as the United States continues to emphasize the rights of 43

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      over those of groups, we need not fear that the diversity brought by immigration will lead to ethnic division or disunity. Of course, the right to assemble and join with others is a fundamental right of all Americans, immigrants included. However, unlike other countries, including those from which many immigrants come, rights in the United States are not defined by ethnicity, religion, or membership in any group; nor can immigrants be denied rights because they are members of a particular ethnic, religious, or political group.

      The Commission believes that the federal government should take the lead and invite states and local governments and the private sector to join in promoting Americanization . . . . . For example, "I Am an American Day" was once widely celebrated in public schools and local communities. Recent immigration legislation mandates natu-ralization ceremonies on the 4th of July. While the federal govern-ment cannot and should not be the sole instrument of Americaniza-tion, it can provide important leadership in supporting the imple-mentation of programs designed to promote full integration of new-comers.

      To help achieve full integration of newcomers, the Commission calls upon federal, state, and local governments to provide renewed lead-ership and resources to a program to promote Americanization that requires:

      n Developing capacities to orient both newcomers and receiv-ing communities;

      n Educating newcomers in English language skills and our core civic values; and

      n Revisiting the meaning and conferral of citizenship to en-sure the integrity of the naturalization process. 44

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      -30 -ORIENTATION

      The Commission r The Commission r The Commission r The Commission r The Commission recommends that the federal, state, and local gov-ecommends that the federal, state, and local gov-ecommends that the federal, state, and local gov-ecommends that the federal, state, and local gov-ecommends that the federal, state, and local gov-ernments take an active r ernments take an active r ernments take an active r ernments take an active r ernments take an active role in helping newcomers become self-ole in helping newcomers become self-ole in helping newcomers become self-ole in helping newcomers become self-ole in helping newcomers become self-r rr rreliant: orienting immigrants and r eliant: orienting immigrants and r eliant: orienting immigrants and r eliant: orienting immigrants and r eliant: orienting immigrants and receiving communities as to their eceiving communities as to their eceiving communities as to their eceiving communities as to their eceiving communities as to their mutual rights and r mutual rights and r mutual rights and r mutual rights and r mutual rights and responsibilities, pr esponsibilities, pr esponsibilities, pr esponsibilities, pr esponsibilities, providing information they need oviding information they need oviding information they need oviding information they need oviding information they need for successful integration, and encouraging the development of local for successful integration, and encouraging the development of local for successful integration, and encouraging the development of local for successful integration, and encouraging the development of local for successful integration, and encouraging the development of local capacities to mediate when divisions occur between gr capacities to mediate when divisions occur between gr capacities to mediate when divisions occur between gr capacities to mediate when divisions occur between gr capacities to mediate when divisions occur between groups oups oups oups oups. Infor-mation and orientation must be provided both to immigrants and to their receiving communities. The experience of "newcomer schools" is that providing coordinated information and advice on life in the United States accelerates the integration of newcomers, which, in turn, decreases the negative impacts on communities. Information on expected impacts and successful programs can help localities foster immigrant integration and mediate differences to avoid com-munity conflicts.

      More specifically, to integrate into American society, immigrants need information on their legal rights and obligations, on American core civic beliefs, on how to access services, and on immigration-related requirements. Communities require information on the numbers and characteristics of immigrants arriving in their midst, the eligibility of newcomers for various services, the legal responsi-bilities of state and local government agencies, and similar matters. The Commission believes the federal government should help im-migrants and local communities by:

      n Giving orientation materials to legal immigrants upon ad-Giving orientation materials to legal immigrants upon ad-Giving orientation materials to legal immigrants upon ad-Giving orientation materials to legal immigrants upon ad-Giving orientation materials to legal immigrants upon ad-mission mission mission mission mission that include, but are not limited to: a welcoming greeting; a brief discussion of U. S. history, law, and prin-ciples of U. S. democracy; tools to help the immigrant locate and use services for which they are eligible; and other im-migration- related information and documents. All immi-grants would receive the same materials. The packets would

      The Commission The Commission The Commission The Commission The Commission r rr rrecommends that ecommends that ecommends that ecommends that ecommends that the federal the federal the federal the federal the federal government government government government government take an active r take an active r take an active r take an active r take an active role ole ole ole ole in helping in helping in helping in helping in helping newcomers newcomers newcomers newcomers newcomers become self-r become self-r become self-r become self-r become self-reliant: eliant: eliant: eliant: eliant: orienting immigrants orienting immigrants orienting immigrants orienting immigrants orienting immigrants and r and r and r and r and receiving eceiving eceiving eceiving eceiving communities communities communities communities communities about their about their about their about their about their mutual rights mutual rights mutual rights mutual rights mutual rights and r and r and r and r and responsibilities, esponsibilities, esponsibilities, esponsibilities, esponsibilities, pr pr pr pr providing oviding oviding oviding oviding information information information information information they need for they need for they need for they need for they need for successful successful successful successful successful integration, integration, integration, integration, integration, and encouraging and encouraging and encouraging and encouraging and encouraging the development the development the development the development the development of local capacities of local capacities of local capacities of local capacities of local capacities to mediate to mediate to mediate to mediate to mediate when divisions when divisions when divisions when divisions when divisions occur between occur between occur between occur between occur between gr gr gr gr groups. oups. oups. oups. oups. 45

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      of a Welcoming Statement

      Congratulations on your decision to immigrate to the United States of America. Best wishes for a successful settlement in your new home. This is a proud country of individual freedom, opportunity, and diversity with a long tradition of immigration. Finding success and opportunity in the United States can be difficult. We realize that immigrants face many challenges as they become self-reliant, such as learning a new language and adjusting to new circumstances. The U. S. has learned from its tradition of immigration that patience, tolerance, and adaptabil-ity are required from each and every one of us.

      Basic American principles that you are asked to embrace in-clude: a commitment to serve the best interests of the United States and the community in which you live; knowledge of and respect for our laws and democratic institutions; respect for freedom of speech and religion; and a commitment not to discriminate against others on the basis of nationality, race, sex, or religion. The excerpts from the U. S. history and law section of your orientation packet should serve to illustrate the meaning of these important principles.

      We the people of the United States welcome you.

      be available in English and the main immigrant languages. It is not the Commission's intent to prescribe all parts of an orientation packet but, rather, to suggest the most impor-tant information and key resources that should be included.

      W WW WWelcoming statement. elcoming statement. elcoming statement. elcoming statement. elcoming statement. The Welcoming Statement would congratulate immigrants on their decision to become per-manent residents of the United States. It also would sum-marize the basic principles that all Americans embrace. 46

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      of Documents on the Founding Principles On July 4, 1776, the Continental Congress adopted a Declaration drafted by Thomas Jefferson that defined the commitment of a new nation to the principles of liberty and justice for all: We hold these Truths to be self-evident, that all Men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable rights, that among these are Life, Liberty, and the Pursuit of Happiness— That to secure these rights, Governments are instituted among Men, deriving their just Powers from the Consent of the Governed. . . .

      The greatest contradiction in the new nation's founding was the institution of human slavery, which ended only after a bloody civil war (1860-1864). After the decisive battle at Gettysburg, in 1863, Abraham Lincoln dedicated the cemetery, ending with these words: [W] e here highly resolve that these dead shall not have died in vain— that this nation, under God, shall have a new birth of freedom— and that government of the people, by the people, for the people, shall not perish from the earth.

      After the Civil War, the effort to live up to the promises of the founding principles intensified. In 1872, Susan B. Anthony was arrested for attempting to vote in a Presidential election. Her speech on the rights of women was an important step toward gaining women the vote: The preamble of the federal Constitution says . . . It was we, the people; not we, the white male citizens; nor yet we, the male citizens; but we, the whole people, who formed the Union. And we formed it, not to give the blessings of liberty, but to secure them; not the half of ourselves and our posterity; but to the whole people —women as well as men.

      Way into the twentieth century, the founding principles continue to challenge Americans. In 1963, the Reverend Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. led a peaceful March on Washington, and spoke on the steps of the Lincoln Memorial in the cause of civil rights. When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir. This note was a promise that all men would be guaranteed the unalienable rights of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness . . .

      I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: "We hold these truths to be self-evident; that all men are created equal. . . . I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character . . . And if America is to be a great nation this must become true. 47

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      -33 -U.

      S. history U. S. history U. S. history U. S. history U. S. history, law , law , law , law , law, and principles of democracy , and principles of democracy , and principles of democracy , and principles of democracy , and principles of democracy. .. .. This would include a brief history of the United States and of the prin-ciples listed in the welcoming statement, followed by ex-cerpts from relevant historical documents. It would stress that American civic culture is based on a trust in ordinary people's ability to govern themselves through their elected representatives who are then accountable to the people, on the right of all members of the polity to participate in public life as equals, and on the freedom of individual members of the community to differ from each other in religion and other private matters.

      T TT TTools for settlement ools for settlement ools for settlement ools for settlement ools for settlement. This section would emphasize the development of self-reliance. It would include general in-formation and checklists to aid immigrants in finding and using services in their community that may help them in developing economic independence.

      Example of Tools for Settlement What to expect upon immigration: information to orient newcomers on federal policies and services, such as a pre-/ post-arrival checklist on admissions, information for those adjusting status on new rights and responsibilities as permanent residents, reminder to register for military service if necessary, the role of government agencies and service providers; consumer protection and tax policies;

      How to secure basic needs: information on housing, employment, education and language training, health, transportation, police and fire protection, managing finances, and cultural adjustment;

      Finding assistance and advice: telephone numbers for the local information clearinghouses, government agencies; documents listing weight and measurement conversions, U. S. holidays, instructions in using the telephone and postal systems; a U. S. map;

      Getting involved in the community: listings of community organizations (e. g., civic, sports, arts) and volunteer opportunities. 48

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      information and documents Immigration information and documents Immigration information and documents Immigration information and documents Immigration information and documents. This section would provide necessary immigration forms, information on naturalization, and a card for non-English-speaking im-migrants to indicate their need for an interpreter.

      n Encouraging state governments to establish information Encouraging state governments to establish information Encouraging state governments to establish information Encouraging state governments to establish information Encouraging state governments to establish information clearinghouses in major immigrant receiving communi-clearinghouses in major immigrant receiving communi-clearinghouses in major immigrant receiving communi-clearinghouses in major immigrant receiving communi-clearinghouses in major immigrant receiving communi-ties. ties. ties. ties. ties. The Commission recommends that the federal govern-ment provide modest incentive grants to states to encourage them to establish and maintain local resources that would provide information to immigrants and local communities. For example, local information clearinghouses could pro-vide information to immigrants on rights and responsibili-ties, naturalization, education and training, and the world of work. They could have materials available on tenant law and renter/ landlord rights and responsibilities. They could spell out how U. S. family law (regarding marriage and pro-hibiting spouse and child abuse, polygamy, and female geni-tal mutilation, etc.) may differ from other cultures. They could provide information on public life (driving, insurance, hunting/ fishing licences, law enforcement, consumer pro-tection, etc.). They could also provide information to local public and private organizations about immigrants, e. g., documentation, culture/ background, eligibility status for programs, work authorization verification.

      The resource centers could develop, translate and dissemi-nate materials; foster partnerships among immigrant inter-est groups, ethnic churches, and service providers (advisory boards, taskforces, planning boards, coalitions); and develop volunteer networks in immigrant communities to help newly-arriving immigrants. These efforts could help reduce com-munity tensions arising from immigration by providing ac-curate information and helping communities find ways to mediate these tensions. The resource centers could also 49

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      -35 -provide

      information on model programs implemented by businesses, service agencies, and others.

      The Office of Refugee Resettlement in the Department of Health and Human Services, which already provides fund-ing for refugee services, could administer this grant pro-gram. Each state receiving funds would designate the local structure through which the funding would be administered as part of its application for funds. Some states are likely to designate the state refugee coordinator's office, but oth-ers may designate the state education department. States had similar flexibility when they received funds under the State Legalization Impact Assistance Grant [SLIAG] program.

      These already-existing structures could easily integrate the proposed services with only modest financial increments. Based on its consultations, the Commission believes that an annual appropriation of $30-35 million would cover devel-opment of orientation materials and underwrite services in forty to fifty targeted communities. The monies should be administered flexibly, not as a formula to each state. Tar-geted areas should include those with historically signifi-cant numbers of immigrants as well as communities expe-riencing a sudden growth in immigrant arrivals. (In Garden City, Kansas, for example, the Commission observed how the arrival of new meatpacking plants changed the popula-tion from one with few foreign-born residents a decade ago to one with a sizeable immigrant component today.)

      n Promoting public/ private partnerships to orient and assist Promoting public/ private partnerships to orient and assist Promoting public/ private partnerships to orient and assist Promoting public/ private partnerships to orient and assist Promoting public/ private partnerships to orient and assist immigrants in adapting to life in the United States. immigrants in adapting to life in the United States. immigrants in adapting to life in the United States. immigrants in adapting to life in the United States. immigrants in adapting to life in the United States. The Commission previously has called for a renewed public/ private partnership in the Americanization of immigrants. While the federal government makes the decisions about how many and which immigrants will be admitted to the 50

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      -36 -United

      States, the actual process of integration takes place in local communities. Local government, schools, businesses, religious institutions, ethnic associations, and other groups play important roles in the Americanization process.

      The Commission urges the federal government to assemble leaders from the public and private sectors at the federal, state, and local levels to discuss ways to invigorate a public/ private partnership to promote Americanization. The partici-pants should include representatives of state and local edu-cational systems, businesses, labor, local governments, and community organizations. The meeting would address ways to enhance resources for instruction in English language ac-quisition, civic understanding, and workplace skills. The federal grant program described above also could help pro-mote more coordinated efforts at the local level by establish-ing advisory structures representing the various public and private institutions with interest in immigration matters.

      EDUCATION Education is the principal tool of Americanization. Local educa-tional institutions have the primary responsibility for educating immigrants. However, there is a federal role in promoting and fund-ing English language acquisition and other academic programs for both immigrant children and adults.

      The Commission ur The Commission ur The Commission ur The Commission ur The Commission urges a r ges a r ges a r ges a r ges a renewed commitment to the education of enewed commitment to the education of enewed commitment to the education of enewed commitment to the education of enewed commitment to the education of immigrant childr immigrant childr immigrant childr immigrant childr immigrant children. en. en. en. en. The number of school-aged children of immi-grants is growing and expected to increase dramatically. These children, mostly young, speak more than 150 different languages; many have difficulty communicating in English. They are enrolled in public schools as well as in secular and religious private schools through the country.

      The Fannie Mae Foun-dation built a model public/ private initiative with c o m mu n i t y -b a s e d organizations, public offi-cials, and lenders to facilitate home ownership and naturalization for immigrants.

      Project Vida in El Paso provides medical services to the Latino border community. Funded by the Presbyterian Church and public/ private grants and contracts, Vida developed "one-stop shopping" for primary health care, education, housing, and other social services. It built 20 affordable rental units; and helped to generate an increase in local elementary school reading scores. 51

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      -37 -The

      Commission The Commission The Commission The Commission The Commission urges a renewed urges a renewed urges a renewed urges a renewed urges a renewed commitment commitment commitment commitment commitment to the education to the education to the education to the education to the education of immigrant of immigrant of immigrant of immigrant of immigrant children. children. children. children. children.

      In addition to the problems other students have, immigrant children face particular problems in gaining an education— often because of language difficulties. The 1990 Census shows that 87 percent of immigrant children attended high school as compared to 93 percent of natives. More than one-fourth of Mexican immigrant youth be-tween ages 15 and 17 were not in school in 1990. While some dropped out, others never "dropped in" to school in the first place.

      Immigrant children often come from countries with customs, tradi-tions, and social and governmental structures that differ from those they encounter in the U. S.; some have little or no formal education and no understanding of the American school system; some arrive with personal experiences of trauma and war; many older children come from countries where school ends at a younger age; many ex-perience lengthy delays in being mainstreamed into regular English-speaking classes; and some do not receive appropriate-level instruc-tion in other academic subjects while they are learning English.

      Immigrant children also bring strengths to American society. For example, their native-language skills contribute to building the fu-ture multilingual workforce needed in a global economy; sharing of their cultural heritage will promote the sensitivity of that workforce as it interacts in a worldwide marketplace. Many immigrant chil-dren who enroll in school and then remain to graduate do well academically. These immigrant children are more likely than na-tives to prepare for, attend, and complete college. 2 The key, how-ever, is helping them achieve sufficient English proficiency to be able to participate.

      The Commission emphasizes that rapid acquisition of English should The Commission emphasizes that rapid acquisition of English should The Commission emphasizes that rapid acquisition of English should The Commission emphasizes that rapid acquisition of English should The Commission emphasizes that rapid acquisition of English should be the paramount goal of any immigrant language instruction pr be the paramount goal of any immigrant language instruction pr be the paramount goal of any immigrant language instruction pr be the paramount goal of any immigrant language instruction pr be the paramount goal of any immigrant language instruction pro-o-o-o-o-2

      Venez, G.; Abrahamse, A. 1996. How Immigrants Fare in U. S. Education. Santa Monica: RAND. Rumbaut, R. G.; Cornelius, W. A. 1995. California's Immigrant Children: Theory, Research, and Implications for Educational Policy. San Diego: Center for U. S. Mexican Studies. 52

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      -38 -gram

      gram gram gram gram. .. .. English is the most critical of basic skills for successful inte-gration. English can be taught to children in many ways. Effective programs share certain common characteristics. Based on a review of these programs, the Commission emphasizes the need to : :: ::

      n Conduct regular evaluations of students' English compe-Conduct regular evaluations of students' English compe-Conduct regular evaluations of students' English compe-Conduct regular evaluations of students' English compe-Conduct regular evaluations of students' English compe-tence and their ability to apply it to academic subjects. tence and their ability to apply it to academic subjects. tence and their ability to apply it to academic subjects. tence and their ability to apply it to academic subjects. tence and their ability to apply it to academic subjects. Such evaluations will ensure placement of immigrant chil-dren into regular English-speaking classes as soon as they are prepared. Regular evaluation also will highlight strengths and weaknesses in educational programs and provide in-sight on improvements that are needed to ensure timely English acquisition.

      n Collect and analyze data regularly on students, their lin-Collect and analyze data regularly on students, their lin-Collect and analyze data regularly on students, their lin-Collect and analyze data regularly on students, their lin-Collect and analyze data regularly on students, their lin-guistic and academic performance, and the method of in-guistic and academic performance, and the method of in-guistic and academic performance, and the method of in-guistic and academic performance, and the method of in-guistic and academic performance, and the method of in-struction struction struction struction struction . .. .. Presently, federal, state, and local governments fail to collect and analyze adequate, uniform, data on bilin-gual and other forms of English instruction. Such failure hinders overall evaluation and the responsible allocation of government funds. A 1997 National Research Council re-port 3 pointed out the need for new systems to support data collection and research in this area. The NRC recommended establishment of a new Department of Education Advisory Committee on Research on English-Language Learners, urged the National Center for Education Statistics to take the lead in collecting data on students and programs, and recom-mended that the Office of Bilingual Education and Minority Language Affairs take the lead in developing and evaluating programs to enhance teacher development.

      3 National Research Council (August, D; Hakuta, K. eds.). 1997. Improving Schooling for Language-Minority Children: A Research Agenda. Washington, DC: National Academy Press.

      The Commission The Commission The Commission The Commission The Commission emphasizes that emphasizes that emphasizes that emphasizes that emphasizes that rapid acquisition rapid acquisition rapid acquisition rapid acquisition rapid acquisition of English of English of English of English of English should be should be should be should be should be the paramount the paramount the paramount the paramount the paramount goal of any goal of any goal of any goal of any goal of any immigrant immigrant immigrant immigrant immigrant language language language language language instruction instruction instruction instruction instruction pr pr pr pr program. ogram. ogram. ogram. ogram. 53

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      -39 -n

      Include appropriate grade-level instruction in other aca-Include appropriate grade-level instruction in other aca-Include appropriate grade-level instruction in other aca-Include appropriate grade-level instruction in other aca-Include appropriate grade-level instruction in other aca-demic disciplines demic disciplines demic disciplines demic disciplines demic disciplines . .. .. Coordination with teachers, curricula, and instruction outside of English acquisition will promote students' mastery of regular subject matter while they learn English.

      n Involve parents of immigrant students in their schooling. Involve parents of immigrant students in their schooling. Involve parents of immigrant students in their schooling. Involve parents of immigrant students in their schooling. Involve parents of immigrant students in their schooling. A characteristic of many of the most successful language acquisition programs is the active involvement of parents in the education of their children. Such "family literacy" models include programs that promote frequent parent-teacher con-ferences and that also encourage non-English-speaking par-ents to enroll in English as a Second Language [ESL] pro-grams. Some of the adult programs are offered at the local school in the evenings.

      The Commission encourages pr The Commission encourages pr The Commission encourages pr The Commission encourages pr The Commission encourages programs that ar ograms that ar ograms that ar ograms that ar ograms that are r e r e r e r e responsive to the esponsive to the esponsive to the esponsive to the esponsive to the needs of immigrant childr needs of immigrant childr needs of immigrant childr needs of immigrant childr needs of immigrant children and an orientation to United States en and an orientation to United States en and an orientation to United States en and an orientation to United States en and an orientation to United States school systems and the community school systems and the community school systems and the community school systems and the community school systems and the community, ,, ,, such as we have seen in "new-comer schools." Newcomer schools must not isolate immigrant newcomers. Instead, they must be transitional and actively pro-mote the timely integration of students into mainstream schools. Successful programs recognize the special needs of immigrant chil-dren, particularly refugees. They share information among resettle-ment programs and school administrators and among English ac-quisition and regular classroom teachers. Along with English and other academic subjects, newcomer schools teach basic school sur-vival and living skills (such as how the local transportation system works and how to shop for food) and develop intercultural commu-nications. Some also provide access to a wide range of support services, such as health screenings and immunizations.

      The Commission r The Commission r The Commission r The Commission r The Commission recommends the r ecommends the r ecommends the r ecommends the r ecommends the revival and emphasis on evival and emphasis on evival and emphasis on evival and emphasis on evival and emphasis on instruc-instruc-instruc-instruc-instruc-tion of all kinder tion of all kinder tion of all kinder tion of all kinder tion of all kindergarten thr garten thr garten thr garten thr garten through grade twelve students in the com-ough grade twelve students in the com-ough grade twelve students in the com-ough grade twelve students in the com-ough grade twelve students in the com-mon civic cultur mon civic cultur mon civic cultur mon civic cultur mon civic culture that is essential to citizenship. e that is essential to citizenship. e that is essential to citizenship. e that is essential to citizenship. e that is essential to citizenship. An understanding

      Seattle's Sharples Center teaches refugee students with limited or no English proficiency in grades six through twelve. They are grouped by English language ability, not age. Because of high demand, they usually can stay for only six months or less. The program focuses on preventing subsequent low academic perfor-mance and also pre-venting the high dropout rates that occur when students with limited English proficiency are mainstreamed too soon.

      The Commission The Commission The Commission The Commission The Commission encourages encourages encourages encourages encourages pr pr pr pr programs that ograms that ograms that ograms that ograms that ar ar ar ar are r e r e r e r e responsive to esponsive to esponsive to esponsive to esponsive to immigrant childr immigrant childr immigrant childr immigrant childr immigrant children' en' en' en' en's ss ss needs and needs and needs and needs and needs and an orientation an orientation an orientation an orientation an orientation to United States to United States to United States to United States to United States school systems school systems school systems school systems school systems and the community and the community and the community and the community and the community. .. .. 54

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      the history of the United States and the principles and practices of our government are essential for all students, immigrants and natives alike. Americanization requires a renewed emphasis on the common core of civic culture that unites individuals from many ethnic and racial groups. Civics instruction teaches students both the responsibilities and the rights of United States citizenship. Civ-ics education also can help immigrant students turning eighteen to prepare for naturalization. The Commission recommends that local school boards institute civics programs that:

      n Teach that the U. S. is united by the constitutional principles of individual rights and equal justice under the law;

      n Restore the emphasis on such traditional American leaders as Washington, Jefferson, and Lincoln, who defined the American promise of liberty and equality for all, and incor-porate other heroes and heroines, such as Sojourner Truth, Susan B. Anthony, Martin Luther King, Jr., Franklin Roosevelt, and Barbara Jordan, who expanded their promise to all Americans;

      n Stress the importance of civic holidays and of American symbols and rituals, for example, the flag and the Pledge of Allegiance.

      Civics instruction in public schools should be rooted in the Decla-ration of Independence, the Constitution— particularly the Preamble, the Bill of Rights, and the Fourteenth Amendment. Emphasizing the ideals in these documents is in no way a distortion of U. S. history. Instruction in the history of the United States, as a unique engine of human liberty notwithstanding its faults, is an indispens-able foundation for solid civics training for all Americans.

      The Commission emphasizes the ur The Commission emphasizes the ur The Commission emphasizes the ur The Commission emphasizes the ur The Commission emphasizes the urgent need to r gent need to r gent need to r gent need to r gent need to recruit, train, and ecruit, train, and ecruit, train, and ecruit, train, and ecruit, train, and pr pr pr pr provide support to teachers who work with immigrant students. ovide support to teachers who work with immigrant students. ovide support to teachers who work with immigrant students. ovide support to teachers who work with immigrant students. ovide support to teachers who work with immigrant students.

      The Commission The Commission The Commission The Commission The Commission r rr rrecommends ecommends ecommends ecommends ecommends the r the r the r the r the revival evival evival evival evival and emphasis and emphasis and emphasis and emphasis and emphasis on instruction on instruction on instruction on instruction on instruction of all kinder of all kinder of all kinder of all kinder of all kindergarten garten garten garten garten thr thr thr thr through grade ough grade ough grade ough grade ough grade twelve students twelve students twelve students twelve students twelve students in the common in the common in the common in the common in the common civic cultur civic cultur civic cultur civic cultur civic culture ee ee that is essential that is essential that is essential that is essential that is essential to citizenship. to citizenship. to citizenship. to citizenship. to citizenship.

      San Francisco's New-comer High School was the nation's first high school devoted entirely to immigrants. Students with less than six years of education and/ or poor English skills may attend for up to a year of intensive instruction based on their English ability rather than on their age. Before they are mainstreamed, students are taken to see their new school and meet their new teachers. 55

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      is a disturbing shortage of qualified teachers for children with limited English proficiency, of teacher training programs for pro-ducing such teachers, and of other support for effective English acquisition instruction. More than 50 percent of teachers in current bilingual education programs have no formal education in teaching students with limited English skills. Teachers are often unprepared and untrained in understanding how the cultural background and experiences of immigrant children may affect their ability to learn. They need to understand that while many students quickly acquire skill in using and understanding English in social situations, acquir-ing academic proficiency in English takes longer.

      All teachers of immigrant students— those who teach English and those who teach other academic subjects— need training to develop the most effective tools for imparting knowledge to students with limited English proficiency. Teachers also need help in understand-ing how best to involve immigrant parents who may themselves be limited in their command of English. Schools that have been effec-tive in involving immigrant parents in their children's education tend to be more effective in retaining and educating students. To promote such involvement, teachers must be sensitive to differences in language and culture that may impede an immigrant parent's ability to participate in school activities.

      The Commission supports immigrant education funding that is based The Commission supports immigrant education funding that is based The Commission supports immigrant education funding that is based The Commission supports immigrant education funding that is based The Commission supports immigrant education funding that is based on a mor on a mor on a mor on a mor on a more accurate assessment of the impact of immigration on e accurate assessment of the impact of immigration on e accurate assessment of the impact of immigration on e accurate assessment of the impact of immigration on e accurate assessment of the impact of immigration on school systems and that is adequate to alleviate these impacts. school systems and that is adequate to alleviate these impacts. school systems and that is adequate to alleviate these impacts. school systems and that is adequate to alleviate these impacts. school systems and that is adequate to alleviate these impacts. Urban and rural schools often require federal assistance when con-fronted with large numbers of immigrant students. Current federal support comes through several unrelated funding streams: some is geared to particular instructional models; some is directed to ad-dress impacts of large numbers of new arrivals; however, most comes indirectly through monies targeted to schools with economically disadvantaged children who are performing poorly.

      The Commission The Commission The Commission The Commission The Commission emphasizes emphasizes emphasizes emphasizes emphasizes the ur the ur the ur the ur the urgent need gent need gent need gent need gent need to r to r to r to r to recruit, train, ecruit, train, ecruit, train, ecruit, train, ecruit, train, and pr and pr and pr and pr and provide ovide ovide ovide ovide support to support to support to support to support to teachers who teachers who teachers who teachers who teachers who work with work with work with work with work with immigrant immigrant immigrant immigrant immigrant students. students. students. students. students. 56

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      -42 -There

      are costs and responsibilities for language acquisition and immigrant education programs that are not now being met. We urge the federal government to do its fair share in meeting this challenge. The long-run costs of failure in terms of dropouts and poorly-educated adults will be far larger for the nation and local communities than the costs of such programs.

      More specifically, we urge the federal government to: n Provide flexibility in federal funding for the teaching of Provide flexibility in federal funding for the teaching of Provide flexibility in federal funding for the teaching of Provide flexibility in federal funding for the teaching of Provide flexibility in federal funding for the teaching of English to immigrant students to achieve maximum local English to immigrant students to achieve maximum local English to immigrant students to achieve maximum local English to immigrant students to achieve maximum local English to immigrant students to achieve maximum local choice of instructional model. choice of instructional model. choice of instructional model. choice of instructional model. choice of instructional model. The federal government should not mandate any one mode of instruction (e. g., bilin-gual education, English as a Second Language programs, immersion). Research indicates that no one pedagogical model for English instruction works more effectively than any other. What makes for success are: the commitment of the local school system to educate its English learners; well-trained teachers who are adept at English language in-struction; involvement of parents; frequent evaluation of stu-dent language acquisition; and a plan for timely placements in mainstream programs.

      n Make funding contingent on performance outcomes— that Make funding contingent on performance outcomes— that Make funding contingent on performance outcomes— that Make funding contingent on performance outcomes— that Make funding contingent on performance outcomes— that is, English language acquisition and mastery of regular is, English language acquisition and mastery of regular is, English language acquisition and mastery of regular is, English language acquisition and mastery of regular is, English language acquisition and mastery of regular academic subject matter by students served in these pro-academic subject matter by students served in these pro-academic subject matter by students served in these pro-academic subject matter by students served in these pro-academic subject matter by students served in these pro-grams grams grams grams grams . . . . . School systems receiving funds because of large numbers of children with limited English proficiency and immigrant children should be held to rigorous performance standards. Incentives should promote— not impede— expe-ditious placement in regular, English-speaking, classes.

      The Commission ur The Commission ur The Commission ur The Commission ur The Commission urges the federal, state, and local governments and ges the federal, state, and local governments and ges the federal, state, and local governments and ges the federal, state, and local governments and ges the federal, state, and local governments and private institutions to enhance educational opportunities for adult private institutions to enhance educational opportunities for adult private institutions to enhance educational opportunities for adult private institutions to enhance educational opportunities for adult private institutions to enhance educational opportunities for adult

      Washington, DC's public Bell Multicultural High School offers secondary and adult day/ evening intensive English classes, vocational programs, career development, dropout prevention, tech-nical preparation, and comprehensive math and science. Bell students have high attendance rates, high advanced placement exam scores, and high rates of continuing on to higher education. Last year counselors assisted more than 30 students to become citizens. Many staff are both immigrant and multilingual and, thus, can both empathize with students' transitions and support Bell's strong native language-maintenance program.

      The Commission The Commission The Commission The Commission The Commission supports supports supports supports supports immigrant immigrant immigrant immigrant immigrant education education education education education funding that is funding that is funding that is funding that is funding that is based on based on based on based on based on a mor a mor a mor a mor a more accurate e accurate e accurate e accurate e accurate assessment assessment assessment assessment assessment of the impact of the impact of the impact of the impact of the impact of immigration of immigration of immigration of immigration of immigration on school systems on school systems on school systems on school systems on school systems and that is and that is and that is and that is and that is adequate adequate adequate adequate adequate to alleviate to alleviate to alleviate to alleviate to alleviate these impacts. these impacts. these impacts. these impacts. these impacts. 57

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      -43 -immigrants.

      immigrants. immigrants. immigrants. immigrants. Education for basic skills and literacy in English is the major vehicle that integrates adult immigrants into American soci-ety and participation in its civic activities. Literate adults are more likely to participate in the workforce and twice as likely to partici-pate in our democracy. Literate adults foster literacy in their chil-dren, and parents' educational levels positively affect their children's academic performance.

      According to the 1990 Census, a total of 5.8 million adults reported that they speak English "not well" or "not at all." This number continues to grow because of the entry of non-English-speaking immigrants. Researchers estimate that 600,000 adults with only lim-ited or no English now enter the United States each year. Immi-grants who are illiterate even in their native language or who have only a few years of schooling consequently are confined to employ-ment in dead-end jobs.

      Adult education is severely underfunded. Available resources are inadequate to meet the demand for adult immigrant education, particularly for English proficiency and job skills. Enrollment in adult English as a Second Language classes increased 183 percent from 1980 to 1990; neither classes nor funding have kept pace with demand. In Massachusetts, a state widely recognized for its excel-lent adult education programs, an estimated 11,000 of the 16,000 on the waiting list for adult basic education are waiting for ESL ser-vices.

      Three principal problems impede the capacity to expand opportuni-ties for adult education. First, funding to subsidize courses is lim-ited. Many adult immigrants are willing and able to pay some tuition for courses, expecting a positive return on this investment. However, given average income levels of uneducated, unskilled immigrants, they are unlikely to be able to cover the total costs of adult education courses.

      The Commission The Commission The Commission The Commission The Commission ur ur ur ur urges the federal, ges the federal, ges the federal, ges the federal, ges the federal, state and local state and local state and local state and local state and local governments and governments and governments and governments and governments and private institutions private institutions private institutions private institutions private institutions to enhance to enhance to enhance to enhance to enhance educational educational educational educational educational opportunities opportunities opportunities opportunities opportunities for adult for adult for adult for adult for adult immigrants immigrants immigrants immigrants immigrants. .. ..

      The Carlos Rosario Adult and Career Center in Washington DC. was for 25 years the only DC public school teaching English to adult foreigners, gradua-ting classes as large as 650 students. Closed due to funding constraints, it reopened with private funding in a church in Chinatown. Courses are offered in computer use, nursing assistance, and GED. 58

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      U. S. COMMISSION ON IMMIGRATION REFORM 1 9 9 7 RECOMMENDATIONS

      -44 -Second,

      teacher training programs are limited, resulting in short-ages in the number of qualified teachers. For example, in Massa-chusetts, there are only two training programs for teachers of ESL to adults and no Masters-level program for teachers of adult basic education. Many schools utilize volunteers to serve as tutors, but there is an insufficient number of trained teachers to provide guid-ance to these volunteer aides.

      The third impediment relates to the general quality of adult educa-tion programs. The General Accounting Office [GAO] reported in 1995 that adult education and literacy programs funded by the U. S. Department of Education have no defined objectives, valid assess-ment instruments, or accurate program data.

      In the early part of the twentieth century, state departments of education and local school boards played an active role in the Americanization of immigrants. They committed resources to adult education in evening and weekend classes because they recognized the importance of economic and civic incorporation into their com-munities. Similarly, many turn-of-the-century businesses partici-pated in the Americanization movement, recognizing the benefits to their operations accruing from a literate, educated workforce.

      There has been a shift away from this once widely-held public per-ception of immigrant adult education as a local responsibility, with its local community-and school-based programs. The source of funding is federal and state (as compared to kindergarten through grade twelve education that is financed primarily through local taxes). While many local school districts continue to provide classrooms and other resources, others do not. In this setting of excess demand for adult education, volunteers and low-cost options do exist. Ac-cess to relatively inexpensive classroom space often is a major im-pediment to program implementation. But— even though publicly-owned classroom space is often available and unused during evening and weekend hours— such limitations persist.

      The Resources Occupa-tional Training Program in Brooklyn, New York, a nonprofit adult vocational training program, operates as an affiliate